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来源:飞度新闻医院排行    发布时间:2017年10月21日 18:12:13    编辑:admin         

D*#[;B_.4Q0.xGX[XrqDH)%oYKI,+]tThere are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, ;When will you be satisfied?; We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until ;justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream.I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.OQblm@lm~UyocpZc^yMa)Jjen6eWvpZE*|;rM*#2-EeG+|w.opiZONFT201111/161422。

I stand here and have taken the high and solemn oath to which you have been audience由于美国人民业已挑选我作为这一威严权力的代表,并且从其善良的心意出发,because the people of the ed States have chosen me for this august delegation of power and have by their gracious judgment named me their leader in affairs.决定提名我主持他们的各项事务,所以你们就已经听到,我站在这里做过了崇高而庄严的宣誓。I know now what the task means. I realize to the full the responsibility which it involves.我现在懂得这一职位意味着什么,我也完全明白它所负有的责任。I pray God I may be given the wisdom and the prudence to do my duty in the true spirit of this great people.我祈求上帝赐予我智慧和审慎,使我能够按照伟大的美国人民的真正精神来履行我的职责。I am their servant and can succeed only as they sustain and guide me by their confidence and their counsel.我是他们的公仆,只有他们用信心和忠告给予我持和引导,我才能获得成功。The thing I shall count upon, the thing without which neither counsel nor action will avail, is the unity of America我所依赖的乃是美国的团结一致,也就是一个在感情、an America united in feeling, in purpose and in its vision of duty, of opportunity and of service.目标上,以及在有关义务、机会和务的观念等各个方面都团结一致的美国,舍此任何计划和行动都无济于事。We are to beware of all men who would turn the tasks and the necessities of the nation to their own private profit or use them for the building up of private power.我们要当心一切利用这些任务和国家的需要谋取个人私利的人,要提防他们借此以树立私人势力。ed alike in the conception of our duty and in the high resolve to perform it in the face of all men,我们对于自己责任的看法,以及在面对所有人履行这一责任的决心上,同样也要保持一致,let us dedicate ourselves to the great task to which we must now set our hand.让我们把自己的全副身心都投入到我们必须即刻着手的伟大任务中去吧!For myself I beg your tolerance, your countenance and your united aid.对我本人,则恳请你们给予宽谅、鼓励和齐心协力的持。The shadows that now lie dark upon our path will soon be dispelled,现在笼罩在我们道路上的层层迷雾,很快就会被驱散,and we shall walk with the light all about us if we be but true to ourselves只要我们忠于自己,忠于我们自己历来所抱的愿望,to ourselves as we have wished to be known in the counsels of the world and in the thought of all those who love liberty and justice and the right exalted.力争获得全世界的好评,力争在所有热爱自由、正义和崇高权利的人们心目中占有一席之地,我们就能够在光明的照耀之下,沿着这条道路阔步前进。02/445102。

KCa53bhOS7@isXIp%.H#Aj+DhU-That, that, I -- I think, is our ancient mission. Where we have deserted it, we have failed. With your help, there will be no desertion now. Better we lose the election than mislead the people, and better we lose than misgovern the people. Help me to do the job in this autumn of conflict and of campaign. Help me to do the job in these years of darkness, of doubt, and of crisis which stretch beyond the horizon of tonights happy vision, and we will justify our glorious past and the loyalty of silent millions who look to us for compassion, for understanding, and for honest purpose. Thus, we will serve our great tradition greatly.I ask of you all you have. I will give you all I have, even as he who came here tonight and honored me, as he has honored you, the Democratic Party, by a lifetime of service and braverythat will find him an imperishable page in the history of the Republic and of the Democratic Party -- President Harry S. Truman.And finally, my friends, in this staggering task that you have assigned me, I shall always try ;to do justly, to love mercy, and to walk humbly with my God.;2u-z!D(Mwe7N#awE.YEQgrE-Iv.[7nz|*iqUrOmTb201202/170438。

“What would you do if you had only one day left to live?”I asked this question to my young students when teaching English this winter. What were their answers?“I would watch television!” the first answer. “I would play with the computer!” the second one. “I would play with computer TOO.” The girl finished her sentence perfectly with a serious smile. Indeed how cute and innocent that smile was, but how seriously my heart was hurt. I was too frightened to listen to more answers like that.Ten years ago, at their age, I had a different answer: I would spend the last day of my life gazing at the face of my dear grandmother until I inscribed every detail of it onto my mind.When grandmother was getting old and weak, my family bought her a telephone so I could save time and the trouble of traveling to her home by making phone calls instead. Later we bought her a television so she could watch modern dramas by herself. Then grandma must have been, we assumed, very contented and happy.But I never really knew how grandma felt. She silently passed away without a word one night. When I heard about her death, a chilling pain pierced my empty heart. The pain grew even sharper as I tried to remember in detail exactly how grandma looked and I failed completely! How could I remember? I had not visited her for ages—it seemed like a century! My memories of her dissolved into thin air and leaked away like water.Even though I have a telephone, can she hear me now?Even though I might be on television, can she see me now?Even though I have modern telecommunications, can she still communicate with me now?With all these “tele”s, I was powerless.Don’t people just love the word of “tele”, which means far away. Indeed this is how modern technology has changed our world. But please don’t forget this other word with “tele”: telepathy: which refers to human beings’ inborn ability to connect to our loved ones. Our minds are supposed to each other’s minds; our hearts are supposed to feel each other’s hearts — and fulfill these without any forms of tool!But the moment I desperately struggled to remember grandmother’s face, the telepathy between her and me had shut down forever. With the help of modern technology, I killed our telepathy.This shall never happen again! The “tele”s are great inventions. But “telepathy” gives them the warmth of a human face. Let’s harness the power of television to excite our kids to develop their telepathy with nature… so that they can the secret language of flowers. Let’s make the telephone lines provoke us to preserve our telepathy with each other, so we can connect in a warm and feeling way. Let technology keep our “telepathy” ALIVE! We need to wake up and make this happen.I told my grandma’s story to those young kids that day. They got very quiet. They asked me for a second chance to answer the question. They had come to a new understanding – that very moment they had made to me and to our future together, a dear promise.Thank you very much!05/71805。


IRWU%rxRJt!N(Bg#!82)-XIZ%3q~NKBut there are other questions which are inherently public in nature, which we must decide together as a nation, and where religion and religious values can and should speak to our common conscience. The issue of nuclear war is a compelling example. It is a moral issue; it will be decided by government, not by each individual; and to give any effect to the moral values of their creed, people of faith must speak directly about public policy. The Catholic bishops and the Reverend Billy Graham have every right to stand for the nuclear freeze, and Dr. Falwell has every right to stand against it.q2%cvd94%L%P])yu9wYuhNpj^6HOtmfTV^c740cpnK#zHZ9;_8c;AW]!rn163311。

PRESIDENT GEORGE H.W. BUSH: Thank you very much. (Applause.) Thank you. Thank you. (Applause.) Thank you, Ambassador. Mr. President, all you distinguished guests, including the man that was responsible for my coming out here in 1974 -- Henry Kissinger, here. Delighted to see him. (Applause.) And of course, many friends -- lao peng you -- from China, so pleased to see you all here. Thank you for coming.Let me start by noting that this week has a homecoming feel to it. Barbara and I always welcome the chance we have to come back to China. In fact, I think this is my 19th or 20th visit since I left the presidency, since leaving the White House. But to be here at this special time, special time in China's history, to be back in the embassy where I was proud to have served, and to be here with the members of Bush family who share our love for China and its people, is particularly gratifying, particularly moving for me.In the 34 years since I first came to China, change has been one of the constants. Peking is now Beijing. The bicycles that used to dominate the roads have given way to more cars. And then when you come to this magnificent "Bird's Nest," the National Stadium, and the other architectural features that now dominate the landscape here, there can be no question that China has achieved something truly special in ying itself to host these Games. It is just simply remarkable.Of course, I feel the same sense of awe standing here to behold the transformation that our beloved embassy complex has undergone here. I was feeling sentimental when I told Barbara, my wife, that my old office would be occupied by the talented translators who work in the Public Affairs Office. (Laughter.) But as usual, she snapped out -- "You mean they got someone in your office who can speak the language?" (Laughter.)Barbara and I studied an hour a day, five days a week, but to be honest, one of the great challenges were these Chinese lessons that she and I took together. She simply refused to follow the very sacred "no laughing rule" as I spoke. (Laughter.) I was soon hoping that she would transfer out of my class. (Laughter.)But as special as any visit to China is for us, as historic as it is to be here for the start of 2008 Summer Olympics and this new embassy opening, it means the most to us to be here with our family. That includes our daughter Doro, who was baptized here; and that includes certainly our President and First Lady; includes our son, Marvin, who is here with us today, and his wife Margaret; and everyone here. The President and the First Lady have served with such honor, served with courage and class during a historically challenging time for our nation and the world. And I am so very proud of him. (Applause.)And so, with no further ado, the President of the ed States. (Applause.)PRESIDENT GEORGE W. BUSH: Thank you, sir. Thank you, Mr. President. (Laughter.) It is quite an honor to be introduced by your dad. This has got to be a historic moment: father and son, two Presidents, opening up an embassy. (Applause.) I suspect it's the first, although I must confess I haven't done a lot of research into the itinerary of the Adams boys. (Laughter.)My dad was a fabulous President. (Applause.) And I tell people one reason why was not only did he know what he was doing, he was a fabulous father. (Applause.)Mr. Ambassador, honored guests, Laura and I, and my brother and my sister, are proud to be here with our dad as we open and dedicate this new embassy.No doubt this is an impressive complex. To me it speaks of the importance of our relations with China. It reflects the solid foundation underpinning our relations. It is a commitment to strengthen that foundation for years to come.I thank all those who designed and built the embassy, and all those who work here to advance the interests and values of our great nation. Dad and I are honored that Counselor Dai has joined us; and Minister Xie; Ambassador Zhou -- who, by the way, opened a new Chinese embassy in Washington, D.C., designed by I.M. Pei a couple weeks ago.We appreciate our friend Anne Johnson being here, Director of the Art in Embassies Program. Dr. Kissinger, thanks for coming. (Applause.)It takes a special band to open the embassy -- out of West Texas -- Odessa, Texas, for that matter, the Gatlin boys are with us today. (Applause.) I thank the Red Poppies -- (applause) -- thank you for your talent. (Applause.) And finally, I want to pay tribute to Sandy Randt, who has done a fabulous job as our Ambassador to China. Sandy, thank you andI'm honored to represent the ed States at the Opening Ceremonies of the Olympic Games here in Beijing. And I'm looking forward to cheering our athletes on. (Applause.) Mr. Ambassador, I'm not making any predictions about medal counts -- (laughter) -- but I can tell you the U.S. athletes are y to come and compete, in the spirit of friendship.You know, during my last visit here I had the opportunity to break in the mountain biking course. I was so proud of my efforts, I told Laura I was thinking about entering the competition myself. (Laughter.) She reminded me they don't give any medals for last place. (Laughter.)Tonight the Olympic torch will light the home of an ancient civilization with a grand history. Thousands of years ago, the Chinese people developed a common language and unified a great nation. China became the center for art and literature, commerce and philosophy. China advanced the frontiers of knowledge in medicine, astronomy, navigation, engineering, and many other fields. And the Chinese are even said to have invented the parachute -- something for which the 41st President is very grateful. (Laughter and applause.)We share a long history. The first American ship arrived in China just after the year we won our independence. World War II, Americans and Chinese fought side by side to liberate this land from Imperial Japan. We all remember very clearly, Dr. K, when President Nixon came to Beijing to begin a new era of dialogue between our nations. You might remember that yourself. (Laughter.)Today the ed States and China have built a strong relationship, rooted in common interests. China has opened its economy and begun to unleash the entrepreneurial spirit of its people. America will continue to support China on the path toward a free economy.We're also cooperating to fight pandemic diseases and respond to natural disasters. And through the six-party talks, we're working together to ensure that the Korean Peninsula is free of nuclear weapons.The relationship between our nations is constructive and cooperative and candid. We'll continue to be candid about our mutual global responsibilities. We must work together to protect the environment and help people in the developing world; continue to be candid about our belief that all people should have the freedom to say what they think and worship as they choose. We strongly believe societies which allow the free expression of ideas tend to be the most prosperous and the most peaceful.Candor is the most effective -- is most effective where nations have built a relationship of respect and trust. I've worked hard to build that respect and trust. I appreciate the Chinese leadership that have worked hard to build that respect and trust. And I thank all those here at the embassy who are doing the same thing. The people here who work made sacrifices to serve our country. Serving America is noble. And I hope you found it to be rewarding.I'm honored to be with you. I appreciate the honor of dedicating this new embassy. And I'm looking forward to going to the Games. (Laughter.) God bless. (Applause.)200808/45934。

[AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio. (2)]*Madam President and* Members of the General Assembly:When Secretary General Hammarskjold’s invitation to address this General Assembly reached me in Bermuda, I was just beginning a series of conferences with the Prime Ministers and Foreign Ministers of Great Britain and of France. Our subject was some of the problems that beset our world.During the remainder of the Bermuda Conference, I had constantly in mind that ahead of me lay a great honor. That honor is mine today, as I stand here, privileged to address the General Assembly of the ed Nations.At the same time that I appreciate the distinction of addressing you, I have a sense of exhilaration as I look upon this Assembly. Never before in history has so much hope for so many people been gathered together in a single organization. Your deliberations and decisions during these somber years have aly realized part of those hopes.But the great tests and the great accomplishments still lie ahead. And in the confident expectation of those accomplishments, I would use the office which, for the time being, I hold, to assure you that the Government of the ed States will remain steadfast in its support of this body. This we shall do in the conviction that you will provide a great share of the wisdom, of the courage, and the faith which can bring to this world lasting peace for all nations, and happiness and well-being for all men. Clearly, it would not be fitting for me to take this occasion to present to you a unilateral American report on Bermuda. Nevertheless, I assure you that in our deliberations on that lovely island we sought to invoke those same great concepts of universal peace and human dignity which are so cleanly etched in your Charter. Neither would it be a measure of this great opportunity merely to recite, however hopefully, pious platitudes.I therefore decided that this occasion warranted my saying to you some of the things that have been on the minds and hearts of my legislative and executive associates, and on mine, for a great many months -- thoughts I had originally planned to say primarily to the American people.I know that the American people share my deep belief that if a danger exists in the world, it is a danger shared by all; and equally, that if hope exists in the mind of one nation, that hope should be shared by all.Finally, if there is to be advanced any proposal designed to ease even by the smallest measure the tensions of today’s world, what more appropriate audience could there be than the members of the General Assembly of the ed Nations. I feel impelled to speak today in a language that in a sense is new, one which I, who have spent so much of my life in the military profession, would have preferred never to use. That new language is the language of atomic warfare.The atomic age has moved forward at such a pace that every citizen of the world should have some comprehension, at least in comparative terms, of the extent of this development, of the utmost significance to everyone of us. Clearly, if the peoples of the world are to conduct an intelligent search for peace, they must be armed with the significant facts of today’s existence.My recital of atomic danger and power is necessarily stated in ed States terms, for these are the only incontrovertible facts that I know. I need hardly point out to this Assembly, however, that this subject is global, not merely national in character.On July 16, 1945, the ed States set off the world’s first atomic explosion.Since that date in 1945, the ed States of America has conducted forty-two test explosions. Atomic bombs today are more than twenty-five times as powerful as the weapons with which the atomic age dawned, while hydrogen weapons are in the ranges of millions of tons of TNT equivalent.Today, the ed States stockpile of atomic weapons, which, of course, increases daily, exceeds by many times the total [explosive] equivalent of the total of all bombs and all shells that came from every plane and every gun in every theatre of war in all the years of World War II.A single air group, whether afloat or land based, can now deliver to any reachable target a destructive cargo exceeding in power all the bombs that fell on Britain in all of World War II. In size and variety, the development of atomic weapons has been no less remarkable. The development has been such that atomic weapons have virtually achieved conventional status within our armed services.In the ed States, the Army, the Navy, the Air Force, and the Marine Corps are all capable of putting this weapon to military use. But the d secret and the fearful engines of atomic might are not ours alone.In the first place, the secret is possessed by our friends and allies, Great Britain and Canada, whose scientific genius made a tremendous contribution to our original discoveries and the designs of atomic bombs.The secret is also known by the Soviet Union.The Soviet Union has informed us that, over recent years, it has devoted extensive resources to atomic weapons. During this period the Soviet Union has exploded a series of atomic advices -- devices, including at least one involving thermo-nuclear reactions. If at one time the es States possessed what might have been called a monopoly of atomic power, that monopoly ceased to exist several years ago.Therefore, although our earlier start has permitted us to accumulate what is today a great quantitative advantage, the atomic realities of today comprehend two facts of even greater significance.First, the knowledge now possessed by several nations will eventually be shared by others, possibly all others.Second, even a vast superiority in numbers of weapons, and a consequent capability of devastating retaliation, is no preventive, of itself, against the fearful material damage and toll of human lives that would be inflicted by surprise aggression. The free world, at least dimly aware of these facts, has naturally embarked on a large program of warning and defense systems. That program will be accelerated and expanded. But let no one think that the expenditure of vast sums for weapons and systems of defense can guarantee absolute safety for the cities and citizens of any nation. The awful arithmetic of the atomic bomb does not permit of any such easy solution. Even against the most powerful defense, an aggressor in possession of the effective minimum number of atomic bombs for a surprise attack could probably place a sufficient number of his bombs on the chosen targets to cause hideous damage.Should such an atomic attack be launched against the ed States, our reactions would be swift and resolute. But for me to say that the defense capabilities of the ed States are such that they could inflict terrible losses upon an aggressor, for me to say that the retaliation capabilities of the es States are so great that such an aggressor’s land would be laid waste, all this, while fact, is not the true expression of the purpose and the hope of the ed States.To pause there would be to confirm the hopeless finality of a belief that two atomic colossi are doomed malevolently to eye each other indefinitely across a trembling world. To stop there would be to accept hope -- helplessly the probability of civilization destroyed, the annihilation of the irreplaceable heritage of mankind handed down to use generation from generation, and the condemnation of mankind to begin all over again the age-old struggle upward from savagery toward decency, and right, and justice. Surely no sane member of the human race could discover victory in such desolation.Could anyone wish his name to be coupled by history with such human degradation and destruction? Occasional pages of history do record the faces of the “great destroyers,” but the whole book of history reveals mankind’s never-ending quest for peace and mankind’s God-given capacity to build.It is with the book of history, and not with isolated pages, that the ed States will ever wish to be identified. My country wants to be constructive, not destructive. It wants agreements, not wars, among nations. It wants itself to live in freedom and in the confidence that the people of every other nation enjoy equally the right of choosing their own way of life.So my country’s purpose is to help us move out of the dark chamber of horrors into the light, to find a way by which the minds of men, the hopes of men, the souls of men everywhere, can move forward toward peace and happiness and well-being.In this quest, I know that we must not lack patience. I know that in a world divided, such as ours today, salvation cannot be attained by one dramatic act. I know that many steps will have to be taken over many months before the world can look at itself one day and truly realize that a new climate of mutually peaceful confidence is abroad in the world. But I know, above all else, that we must start to take these steps now.The ed States and its allies, Great Britain and France, have, over the past months, tried to take some of these steps. Let no one say that we shun the conference table. On the record has long stood the request of the ed States, Great Britain, and France to negotiate with the Soviet Union the problems of a divided Germany. On that record has long stood the request of the same three nations to negotiate an Austrian peace treaty. On the same record still stands the request of the ed Nations to negotiate the problems of Korea.Most recently we have received from the Soviet Union what is in effect an expression of willingness to hold a four-Power meeting. Along with our allies, Great Britain and France, we were pleased to see that his note did not contain the unacceptable pre-conditions previously put forward. As you aly know from our joint Bermuda communiqué, the ed States, Great Britain, and France have agreed promptly to meet with the Soviet Union.The Government of the ed States approaches this conference with hopeful sincerity. We will bend every effort of our minds to the single purpose of emerging from that conference with tangible results towards peace, the only true way of lessening international tension. We never have, we never will, propose or suggest that the Soviet Union surrender what is rightfully theirs. We will never say that the people of Russia are an enemy with whom we have no desire ever to deal or mingle in friendly and fruitful relationship.On the contrary, we hope that this coming conference may initiate a relationship with the Soviet Union which will eventually bring about a free intermingling of the peoples of the East and of the West -- the one sure, human way of developing the understanding required for confident and peaceful relations.Instead of the discontent which is now settling upon Eastern Germany, occupied Austria, and the countries of Eastern Europe, we seek a harmonious family of free European nations, with none a threat to the other, and least of all a threat to the peoples of the Russia. Beyond the turmoil and strife and misery of Asia, we seek peaceful opportunity for these peoples to develop their natural resources and to elevate their lives.These are not idle words or shallow visions. Behind them lies a story of nations lately come to independence, not as a result of war, but through free grant or peaceful negotiation. There is a record aly written of assistance gladly given by nations of the West to needy peoples and to those suffering the temporary effects of famine, drought, and natural disaster. These are deeds of peace. They speak more loudly than promises or protestations of peaceful intent.But I do not wish to rest either upon the reiteration of past proposals or the restatement of past deeds. The gravity of the time is such that every new avenue of peace, no matter how dimly discernible, should be explored. There is at least one new avenue of peace which has not yet been well explored -- an avenue now laid out by the General Assembly of the es Nations.In its resolution of November 18th, 1953 this General Assembly suggested -- and I e -- “that the Disarmament Commission study the desirability of establishing a sub-committee consisting of representatives of the Powers principally involved, which should seek in private an acceptable solution and report such a solution to the General Assembly and to the Security Council not later than September 1, of 1954.”The ed States, heeding the suggestion of the General Assembly of the ed Nations, is instantly prepared to meet privately with such other countries as may be “principally involved,” to seek “an acceptable solution” to the atomic armaments race which overshadows not only the peace, but the very life of the world. We shall carry into these private or diplomatic talks a new conception.The ed States would seek more than the mere reduction or elimination of atomic materials for military purposes. It is not enough to take this weapon out of the hands of the soldiers. It must be put into the hands of those who will know how to strip its military casing and adapt it to the arts of peace.The ed States knows that if the fearful trend of atomic military build-up can be reversed, this greatest of destructive forces can be developed into a great boon, for the benefit of all mankind. The ed States knows that peaceful power from atomic energy is no dream of the future. That capability, aly proved, is here, now, today. Who can doubt, if the entire body of the world’s scientists and engineers had adequate amounts of fissionable material with which to test and develop their ideas, that this capability would rapidly be transformed into universal, efficient, and economic usage?To hasten the day when fear of the atom will begin to disappear from the minds of people and the governments of the East and West, there are certain steps that can be taken now. I therefore make the following proposals:The governments principally involved, to the extent permitted by elementary prudence, to begin now and continue to make joint contributions from their stockpiles of normal uranium and fissionable materials to an international atomic energy agency. We would expect that such an agency would be set up under the aegis of the ed Nations. The ratios of contributions, the procedures, and other details would properly be within the scope of the “private conversations” I have referred to earlier.The ed States is prepared to undertake these explorations in good faith. Any partner of the ed States acting in the same good faith will find the ed States a not unreasonable or ungenerous associate.Undoubtedly, initial and early contributions to this plan would be small in quantity. However, the proposal has the great virtue that it can be undertaken without the irritations and mutual suspicions incident to any attempt to set up a completely acceptable system of world-wide inspection and control.The atomic energy agency could be made responsible for the impounding, storage, and protection of the contributed fissionable and other materials. The ingenuity of our scientists will provide special, safe conditions under which such a bank of fissionable material can be made essentially immune to surprise seizure.The more important responsibility of this atomic energy agency would be to devise methods whereby this fissionable material would be allocated to serve the peaceful pursuits of mankind. Experts would be mobilized to apply atomic energy to the needs of agriculture, medicine, and other peaceful activities. A special purpose would be to provide abundant electrical energy in the power-starved areas of the world. Thus the contributing Powers would be dedicating some of their strength to serve the needs rather than the fears of mankind.The ed States would be more than willing -- it would be proud to take up with others “principally involved” the development of plans whereby such peaceful use of atomic energy would be expedited.Of those “principally involved” the Soviet Union must, of course, be one. I would be prepared to submit to the Congress of the ed States, and with every expectation of approval, any such plan that would, first, encourage world-wide investigation into the most effective peacetime uses of fissionable material, and with the certainty that they [the investigators] had all the material needed for the conduct of all experiments that were appropriate; second, begin to diminish the potential destructive power of the world’s atomic stockpiles; third, allow all peoples of all nations to see that, in this enlightened age, the great Powers of the earth, both of the East and of the West, are interested in human aspirations first rather than in building up the armaments of war; fourth, open up a new channel for peaceful discussion and initiate at least a new approach to the many difficult problems that must be solved in both private and public conversations, if the world is to shake off the inertia imposed by fear and is to make positive progress toward peace.Against the dark background of the atomic bomb, the ed States does not wish merely to present strength, but also the desire and the hope for peace.The coming months will be fraught with fateful decisions. In this Assembly, in the capitals and military headquarters of the world, in the hearts of men everywhere, be they governed or governors, may they be the decisions which will lead this world out of fear and into peace.To the making of these fateful decisions, the ed States pledges before you, and therefore before the world, its determination to help solve the fearful atomic dilemma -- to devote its entire heart and mind to find the way by which the miraculous inventiveness of man shall not be dedicated to his death, but consecrated to his life.I again thank the delegates for the great honor they have done me in inviting me to appear before them and in listening me -- to me so courteously.Thank you. 200606/7686。