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赣州崇义保胎多少钱赣县人民医院网上预约电话南康妇幼保健院好吗 THE most recent occasion when Ms Fan#39;s husband beat her until her eyes were black and blue was a row over 100 yuan(). Ms Fan, who did not want to reveal her full name, is a 37-year-oldcleaner. She helped her husband deliver gas canisters on the outskirts of Shanghai but hid some of the proceeds lest he fritter them away on gambling and booze. When he noticedthe missing money, her lies did not convince him. ;He hitme in the mouth until my lips split against my teeth,; she says.最近范女士被丈夫揍到双眼发青的事件竟是因100元人民币(16美元)而起。不愿透露名字的范女士是一名现年37岁的清洁工,他同时协助丈夫在上海郊区送气罐,但却因担心丈夫酗酒挥霍钱财将部分收入藏起而遭到暴打。被丈夫发现后,她的谎言并没让他信。范女士说,“他揍我的嘴,直到嘴唇裂开才罢手”。For more than a decade women#39;s rights advocates in China have lobbied for a law to afford women better protection. On November 25th anoffice of the State Council, or cabinet, released a draft of China#39;s firstanti-domestic violence law.十几年来,中国的女权倡导者一直为出台法规让女性更好地得到保护进行游说。11月25日,国务院办公室公布了中国首部反家庭暴力法草案。Many Chinese families suffer violence.According to a report by the All-China Women#39;s Federation, a state-controlled NGO, nearly 40% of women who are married or have a boyfriend have experienced physical or sexual violence. And it found that about 53% of boys and 34% ofgirls are physically abused by their parents. Only 7% of those suffering abusein form the police. Ms Fan has been abused monthly for two decades but has never reported her husband. She would feel ;too ashamed;.很多中国家庭都存在家庭暴力现象。据受政府领导的民间组织全国妇联,将近40%已婚或有男友的女性曾遭受过身体暴力或性暴力,还有53%的男孩和34%的女孩遭到父母的虐待,但这些受到虐待的人当中只有7%的人将情况告知警方。方女士二十年来每月都会遭到丈夫虐待,但她从未报警,因为那样会让她觉得“太丢人”。Until recently physical abuse was not even acceptable grounds for divorce in China. Leta Hong Fincher, author ofthe book ;Leftover Women: The Resurgence of Gender Inequality in China;, says itis widely accepted, especially in the countryside, that a husband as head ofthe household has the right to hit his wife. She says one reason the governmenthas long dithered over the draft legislation may be because it is loth to be seen meddling in men#39;s private affairs.直至最近,家暴在中国仍是不可接受的离婚理由。《剩女:中国性别不平等死灰复燃》一书的作者Leta Hong Fincher说,人们普遍接受了这种现象,尤其是在农村,作为一家之主的丈夫有打妻子的权利,她说政府一直犹豫出台草案可能是因为不想干预男性的私事。It is no surprise, then, that victims believe reporting abuse will do little good. Restraining orders are very hardto obtain. Women#39;s shelters are few. For mothers divorce proceedings mean the risk of losing custody of their children. Rather, victims are routinely advised by the police, women#39;s federations and confidantes to sort out their problemsat home.于是,受害者认为举报无用也就不足为奇了。很难会有禁令下达,也几乎没有女性庇护所,对于母亲们来说,离婚诉讼意味着有失去子女监护权的风险。确切地说,警方、妇联和闺蜜们通常会建议她们在家中把问题解决。The draft law offers a definition of domestic violence as ;physical, psychological or other infractions committed between family members;.草案对家庭暴力的定义是“家庭成员之间实施的身体、精神等方面的侵害”。Even after the law is passed, which might take months or even years, it could still be a long time before victims of domestic abuse see any benefit. Vast and unwieldy, China has many problems enforcing its existing laws. Cultural hurdles may make this one even harder to implement.But where the letter of the law leads, society may one day follow.即使在等待了数月甚至数年后,法规终于获通过,但家暴受害者仍需等待很长时间才能见到法律带来的效益。由于制度十分庞大复杂且难以控制,中国在执法方面面临很多问题,而文化障碍可能加大这部法律的执行难度。但既然法律作出了引导,社会或许终将有一日会遵守。 /201412/347249赣州仁济不孕不育正规吗

江西赣州仁济医院的院长赣州会昌人民医院在周日有上班吗 In Europe it is hard to find two more solid democracies and flourishing economies than Sweden and Germany. Yet the strong performances of radical right protest parties in elections on Sunday show that even these models of prosperity and efficient government are infected with a virus that sps over the entire continent.在欧洲,很难找到两个比瑞典和德国民主更稳固、经济更繁荣的国家了。不过,极右翼抗议党派(protest parties)在上周日选举中的强劲表现明,就连这些繁荣兴旺、政府高效的典范国家,也被一种横扫整个欧洲的病毒感染了。Neither the Sweden Democrats, with 12.9 per cent of the vote in national legislative elections, nor Alternative for Germany (AfD), with 12.2 per cent and 10.6 per cent respectively in elections to the state parliaments of Brandenburg and Thuringia, came anywhere near outright victory. But their share of the vote shot up, demonstrating that few, if any, mainstream European conservative parties can assume themselves to be immune to the threat from unconventional movements on their right flank.无论是在全国立法机构选举中获得12%选票的瑞典民主党(Sweden Democrats),还是在勃兰登堡州(Brandenburg)和图林根州(Thuringia)议会选举中得票率分别为12.2%和10.6%的德国新选项党(AfD),都谈不上是大获全胜。但它们得票率的大幅上升明,很少有(假如真有的话)哪个欧洲主流保守党派能够想当然地认为,自己可免受比自己更右翼的非常规运动的威胁。Less than two weeks ago, an opinion poll suggested that Marine Le Pen, leader of France’s National Front, would win the second round of the country’s 2017 presidential election against Fran#231;ois Hollande. In Britain, the ed Kingdom independence party, which, like the National Front topped the national polls in May’s European Parliament elections, is set to defeat the ruling Tories next month in a by-election in Clacton, southeast England.不到两周前,一项民调结果显示,法国国民阵线(National Front)主席马琳#8226;勒庞(Marine Le Pen)在2017年的法国总统选举中对阵弗朗索瓦#8226;奥朗德(Fran#231;ois Hollande)时,将在第二轮投票中胜出。在英国,英国独立党(UKIP)像法国国民阵线一样,在今年5月于本国举行的欧洲议会(European Parliament)选举中得票率名列第一。在下月于英格兰东南部的克拉克顿(Clacton)举行的补缺选举中,英国独立党有望击败执政的英国保守党(Tories)。From France and the Netherlands to Austria and Greece, the radical right is an established phenomenon. Even though it has never held power in an EU country, it is remoulding political landscapes. A minority government beckons in Stockholm because the 49 seats won by the Sweden Democrats have denied an absolute majority to the victorious parties of the left.从法国、荷兰到奥地利、希腊,极右翼势力的崛起已是既成事实。尽管这股势力从未在某个欧盟(EU)国家掌权,但它正在重塑欧洲的政治格局。斯德哥尔很可能会出现一个少数派政府,原因是瑞典民主党赢得了49个席位,导致在选举中获胜的左翼政党无法形成绝对多数。AfD’s success – it now holds seats in three of Germany’s 16 state assemblies as well as the European Parliament – is one factor behind the electoral collapse of the liberal Free Democrats. For most of the Federal Republic’s history between 1949 and 2013, the FDP was the nation’s third party, an essential element of coalition governments and the pro-business voice in German politics. Now it has no seats in the Bundestag, the lower house. The latest miserable results in regional elections have removed it from the upper house where the states are represented.如今,德国新选项党在该国16个州议会中的3个拥有席位,在欧洲议会也拥有席位。该党的成功,是导致自由派的德国自民党(FDP)在选举中溃败的因素之一。在德意志联邦共和国1949年至2013年历史的大部分时间里,德国自民党都是第三大党,是联合政府不可或缺的组成部分,在政界属于亲商派。如今,该党在德国议会下院——德国联邦议院(Bundestag)——中已没有席位。由于最近在地方选举中遭遇惨败,该党在代表各州的议会上院中也被扫地出门。AfD attracts disaffected voters from all parties. It is no longer a single-issue movement, mixing its original hostility to the euro and German-guaranteed financial bailouts with support for small businesses and improved education.德国新选项党从各个党派那里把心怀不满的选民吸引过来。该党不再是一个聚焦于单一问题的运动,而是一面继续反对欧元和德国担保下的金融纾困,一面持小企业和改善教育。Rightwing populism displays different characteristics from country to country, possessing a nastier far-right streak in Greece and Hungary than in Germany and the UK. One crucial element in the rise of AfD, the National Front and Ukip is the decision of their leaders to steer clear of explicit racism, let alone uniformed violence. Instead they aim to build respectability by concentrating on law and order, immigration, the overburdened welfare state and perceived threats to national identity.右翼民粹主义在不同国家展现出不同特征:与德国和英国的情况相比,希腊和匈牙利右翼民粹主义带有更令人反感的极右色。德国新选项党、法国国民阵线和英国独立党崛起的背后有一项关键因素:他们的领导人决定不诉诸露骨的种族主义,更别说身着制实施暴力行为了。相反,他们关注法律与秩序、移民、负担过重的福利国家以及人们眼中国家认同受到的威胁,打算以此赢得尊重。In contrast to Ukip and AfD, however, the origins of the Sweden Democrats lie in fringe rightwing extremism rather than traditional conservatism. They exploit popular misgivings about high immigration levels and the alleged failure of multiculturalism in a country that has long served as a haven for refugees from Iran to the former Yugoslavia.但与英国独立党和德国新选项党形成反差的是,瑞典民主党起源于边缘的右翼极端主义,而不是传统的保守主义。他们利用了民众对移民大量流入的担忧、以及某些人口中多元文化主义在瑞典的失败——长期以来,瑞典一直是从伊朗到前南斯拉夫等各国难民的避难所。Like AfD, the Sweden Democrats revel in the fact that political and cultural elites treat them like polecats. They calculate that this contempt bestows on them an outsider status that helps their cause in an era of widesp disillusion with establishment parties.像德国新选项党一样,瑞典民主党陶醉于一个事实:政治与文化精英像对待臭鼬一样对待他们。他们认为,这种蔑视赋予了他们一种局外人的身份,在当权党派普遍令人失望的时代,这种身份有利于他们事业的发展。Across Europe the question is not if the radical right will come to power like Mussolini in 1922 or Hitler in 1933, but the extent to which its xenophobic populism will influence mainstream parties. At the moment the radical right is blowing its trumpet hard. But the walls of European democracy, like Jericho, are still standing.欧洲各国面临的问题,不在于极右翼势力是否会像1922年的墨索里尼(Mussolini)和1933年的希特勒(Hitler)那样上台执政,而在于排外的民粹主义会对主流政党产生多大影响。目前,极右翼正在卖力地自吹自擂。但欧洲民主的城墙就像杰里科(Jericho)一样,仍然屹立如初。 /201409/329633赣州市中医院有造影手术吗

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