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呼和浩特妇保医院治疗女性疾病多少钱清水河县治疗睾丸炎多少钱Interest rates in China中国的利率A small step forward向前一小步China’s central bank has liberalised lending rates. Does it matter?中国的央行放开了借贷利率,这有用吗?Jul 27th 2013 | SHANGHAI |From the print editionNOBODY can accuse the People’s Bank of China (PBOC), China’s central bank, of being gun-shy. A few weeks ago its clumsy attempt to restrain dodgier forms of bank lending led to a bout of market panic. Many said the episode would chill enthusiasm for further experimentation.没人能指责作为中国央行的中国人民行动慎重。几周之前,央行笨拙地试探了收紧贷款,这引起了市场的一阵恐慌。许多人表示这会降低进一步作出改革的热情。But on July 20th the PBOC experimented again. On that day the central bank ended all restrictions on lending rates, which previously had a floor of 70% of the PBOC benchmark rate. Banks are now free to set lending rates (save those for residential mortgages) at any level they want.但是在7月20日的时候,中国人民又做出了改革。当天,央行放开了借贷利率的限制,之前的标准是借贷利率不得低于央行标准额的0.7倍。现在可以自由设定贷款利率了。对住房抵押贷款的人来说是好消息。In truth, the measure is less bold than it appears. The interest-rate reform that everyone is waiting for is liberalisation of deposit rates. China’s policy of financial repression has capped the rate that banks can pay depositors, even as it put a floor on the rate at which they must lend. That has guaranteed fat profits for the big state banks, like Bank of China and the Industrial and Commercial Bank of China, that dominate the financial system.事实上,这个措施没有看起来那么大胆。人们想要的利率改革是存款利率的放开。中国的金融压制政策限定了给存款者的最高利率,正如也设定了贷款利率一样。这个政策保了大型国有,例如中国,中国工商的丰厚利润,同时他们也主导了金融体系。The liberalisation of lending rates may be a half-measure, but officials still hope it will increase competition among banks and spur lending to the corporate sector, especially to private firms that have long been starved of capital. Sceptics point out that the PBOC moved the floor for the lending rate from 90% of its benchmark to 70% a year ago, but Chinese banks did not rush to lend below the 90% mark. That suggests they are unlikely to cut rates now.放开贷款利率只算是半个措施。但是官方依然希望这会增加间的竞争,促进资金流向企业部门,尤其是长期缺乏资金的私人公司。怀疑者指出一年前中国人民将贷款利率的下限由基准利率的90%下调到70%,而中国的并没有马上做出调整。那意味着并不想马上下调利率。A rival view argues that borrowers with strong bargaining power, such as big state-owned enterprises (SOEs), will now be emboldened to push the big banks for cheaper loans. Some suggest that non-performing loans at SOEs may be rolled over at negligible interest rates, disguising what is, in effect, a state bail-out.相反的观点是借贷者议价能力很强,像一些大型的国有企业,他们现在会有胆量让调低利率。一些人表示国企的不良贷款会延期偿还,利率也会很低,实际上相当于国家纾困。On this view, as lower rates eat into their profits the big banks will be forced to look for higher-margin opportunities at the small and medium-sized private firms that they have long ignored. That in turn will put them in direct competition with smaller, private-sector joint-stock banks, such as China Merchants and China Minsheng, that have focused on this area.从这个角度看,低利率会啃食大型的利润,他们会将目光转移到长期忽视的中小企业身上,贷款给这些企业利润更高。这会使他们与长期参与中小企业贷款的小型私营股份制产生直接竞争,比如中国招商,中国民生。If so, China’s banks may be about to enter a rocky period. ChinaScope Financial, a research firm, has analysed how increased competition and declining net interest margins will affect banks operating in China. The boffins conclude that the smallest local outfits, known as city commercial banks, and the middling private-sector banks will be hit hardest, but that returns on equity at the big five state banks will also be squeezed (see chart). They think the industry will need billion-100 billion in extra capital over the next two years to keep its capital ratios stable.这样的话,中国的可能会进入动荡期。数库财务咨询有限公司分析了竞争的增加和净利息差幅的减少会影响中国的运行。研究人员得出结论:小型的地方商业和中等私营股份制最惨,五大行的权益回报率也会压缩(见表)。他们认为接下来的两年中,业需要500亿到1000亿美元的额外资金保其资本比率稳定。The bigger worry for China’s state banks is the signal sent by the PBOC’s move. The central bank has affirmed its commitment to reform. If those reforms include the liberalisation of deposit rates, then something far more serious than a minor profit squeeze will befall China’s banks. Guaranteed profitability would end; banks would have to compete for customers; and risk management would suddenly matter. In short, Chinese bankers would have to start working for a living.中国国有最大的担忧是央行的行动所发出的信号。央行确认要进行改革。如果改革措施包括放开存款利率,那么中国业会面临一个比利润压缩更严重的危机。收益保将会终结。需要争夺客户,风险管理突然变得很重要。总而言之,中国的从业人员需要认真干活了。 /201308/250608呼和浩特托克托县月经不调多少钱 内蒙古解放军第253医院泌尿系统在线咨询

内蒙古医学院第一附属医院男科专家Books and Arts; Book Review;Hamas and social services;Food not bombs文艺;书评;哈马斯和社会务; 食物不是炸弹;Hamas and Civil Society in Gaza: Engaging the Islamist Social Sector. By Sara Roy.加沙的伊斯兰抵抗运动与公民社会:参与伊斯兰主义社会事业。萨拉·罗伊著。Few would expect an Islamic charity to offer workshops on sexuality and ways for disabled people to improve their sex lives. But the al-Wafa hospital in Gaza has been providing this service for years, and it is hardly atypical. Many assume that Islamic charities are “merely a guise for promoting terrorism”, writes Sara Roy, a Middle East scholar at Harvard. In her new book about social services in Gaza, based on trips to the strip over the past 15 years, she argues that the reality is more complex.几乎没有人意想到伊斯兰教慈善团体会向残疾人士提供关于性方面的讲习班以及改善性生活的方法。但是在加沙的以色列的医院已经提供此项务很多年了,所以这已成为司空见惯的事请了。很多人认为伊斯兰教的慈善团体“只不过是促进恐怖主义的伪装”,也正如一个在哈佛的中东学者萨拉罗伊所写那样。在关于加沙社会福利事业的新书中,基于她过去15年去加沙地带的出行,她认为现实情况更复杂。Palestinians are pragmatic when it comes to social care. Many go from one organisation to the next—both Islamic and secular—to scavenge as much support as they can, regardless of politics or ideology. Parents often choose religious schools and hospitals because the services are better there than those provided by secular NGOs or the feeble Palestinian state. Palestinians of all social classes, including the secular and the wealthy, send their children to Islamic schools, just like many agnostic London parents send their children to church schools renowned for their discipline and education.一提到社会福利,巴勒斯坦人就很现实。无论哪种政治还是意识形态,许多人从一个组织转向下一个组织(包括伊斯兰教和非宗教的组织)尽可能搜寻到较多的持者。父母通常会选择宗教学校和医院,因为其务比民间的非政府组织或低效率的的巴勒斯坦政府所提供的好。各个阶层的巴基斯坦人,包括平民和富人,都把他们的孩子送去伊斯兰学校,正如很多伦敦的不可知论者把他们的孩子送去以严格的纪律和良好的教育著称的教会学校一样。Some employees of Islamic NGOs sound equally sanguine about the role of religion. One director of an organisation that distributes money, clothing and food to the poor tells Ms Roy that beyond appropriate dress and “respectful behaviour” (admittedly a worryingly vague term), he was not concerned with the religious purity of those he served. He is happy to help anyone in need: “if we discriminate we become fanatics.”一些伊斯兰非政府组织的从业人员对宗教的地位的看法听起来同样也很乐观。一个给穷人分配钱、衣和食物的组织理事告诉罗伊女士,除了合适的衣和“恭敬的行为”(公认是一个含糊的术语),他并不在乎他务的人的宗教虔诚度。他很高兴可以帮助任何有需要的人:“如果我们歧视他们,我们就会成为盲信者。”The social work that Hamas does has certainly empowered the organisation. But Ms Roy argues that this indirect appeal for votes “is very different from mobilising people into collective action in support of an activist Islamist agenda”. It is not as if Hamas uses its social institutions to launch political or military activities, she adds.哈马斯所提供的社会务肯定已经给这个组织授予了权力。但是罗伊女士认为这种间接的请求选举的行为与动员人们参加集体行动来持伊斯兰激进主义分子的基础的意识方案不同。她还说这不像伊斯兰抵抗派利用其社会制度来开展政治或军事活动。When Ms Roy began conducting research in Gaza 25 years ago, she found little popular support for a political agenda built on Islam. A determined secular streak runs through Palestinian society, she maintains. Rather than Palestinians becoming more Islamist, “Hamas has had to broaden its definition of Islam and ‘Muslimness in order to claim and maintain as large a number of adherents as possible.” As a movement that is political at heart, not religious, Hamas has been forced to “de-ideologise” Islam and appeal to more practical needs to ensure its political survival.罗伊女士25年前开始在加沙进行研究,她发现很少人持基于伊斯兰教的政治议程。她认为一个坚定的世俗倾向贯穿于整个巴勒斯坦社会。伊斯兰抵抗运动不得不扩大伊斯兰教和“伊斯兰人”的定义,目的在于拥有和保持尽可能多的信徒,而不是使巴勒斯坦人成为伊斯兰教主义者。作为一个本质上是政治而非宗教的运动,哈马斯被迫减少伊斯兰教的思想意识并且要求更多的实质需要来确保其政治生存。But Hamass hegemony is now under threat. Gazas radical Muslim Salafists accuse the group of political and religious treason, claiming that by engaging in elections and in governing Gaza, Hamas has undermined both its nationalist and Islamic credentials. Desperate to contain the Salafists and remain the sole agent of political and social Islam in Palestine, Hamas “has encouraged, albeit carefully and cautiously, the greater Islamisation of Gazan society”. This is done largely through its social arm, by enforcing conservative dresscodes in schools, banning alcohol and warning against dating.但是哈马斯的领导权现在受到威胁。加沙激进的穆斯林萨拉斯菲特者指控这个组织政治和宗教的不忠,声称他们通过参加选举和统治加沙,暗地里伤害其民族主义者和伊斯兰的信心。哈马斯不顾一切地牵制萨拉斯菲特人并且保持伊斯兰在巴勒斯坦的政治和社会独家代理的地位。即使哈马斯很小心和谨慎,但是他们仍然鼓励加沙社会变得更伊斯兰化。这一举动绝大部分地通过社会武装,例如在学校实施保守的装规则,禁止喝酒和警告不准约会。Ms Roy strives not to speak for Palestinians, but to let their voices reverberate. One woman tells her, “This is what you must teach others. That we are no different than you.” These are the books most powerful moments, and one of its great strengths. Palestinians appear not simply as victims but as ordinary human beings with typical needs and concerns amid extraordinary circumstances. Ms Roys work is one of academic scholarship, rigorous and precise, and not designed for the speedy turn of pages. But this is an important book, which challenges lazy views about the Palestinians and highlights how they go about securing basic services.罗伊女士并非要设法为巴勒斯坦人说话,她只是努力让他们的声音产生广泛的影响。一位妇女告诉她,“这就是你必须教别人的东西。我们和你没什么不同。”这些就是这本书最强有力的片段了,也是它主要的优势。巴勒斯坦人不仅仅是受害者,而是在这特别的环境下有着常人的需求和忧虑的平凡人。罗伊女士的作品是一门严谨精确的学术学问,而不是用来快速浏览的书籍。但这是一本重要的书,它不仅向关于巴勒斯坦人未经深思熟虑的观点挑战,而且强调他们如何继续保卫基本社会福利事业。 /201306/243924呼和浩特治疗脱肛多少钱 呼和浩特割包皮医院哪比较好

内蒙古呼和浩特治疗膀胱炎多少钱Johns theory supports one legend that tells a brutal and merciless execution. 约翰的理论持着一种传说,讲述了一个残酷和无情的执刑的情景。After having surrended his kingdom, the king and his administers were beheaded on the spot. 在向自己的国家投降后,国王和他的管理者们被当场斩首。The royal women also met an equally gruesome end. 皇室女性们得到的是同样可怕的结果。There is a poem that purportly tells the massacre. 有一首诗详细讲述了大屠杀的情景。It describes how the royal women were taken and thrown from the palace ramparts.它描述了皇室女性们被抬走,从宫殿城墙外扔出。To the people below, these brightly dressed princesses look like spring flowers falling from heaven. 而对于下面观此景的人,这些衣着鲜艳的公主看起来像春天的花朵从天堂坠落。The soldiers yelled and shouted to see more and more flowers.士兵们叫喊着要看到越来越多的鲜花。He met his doom with the end of sword. 他的剑遭逢厄运。201402/277840 呼和浩特武川县治疗女性不孕哪家医院最好的内蒙古医院做人流多少钱

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