原标题: 长春吉大医院挂号预约飞度医院排行
Memories of the 1990s are haunting China’s rust-belt cities as strapped state-owned employers look at cutting jobs, with Wuhan Iron amp; Steel the latest company said to be laying off thousands of workers.上世纪90年代的记忆正在困扰中国的铁锈地带(rust-belt,指衰落的老工业地带——译者注)城市。资金拮据的国有雇主考虑采取裁员行动,据悉武汉钢铁(Wuhan Iron amp; Steel)是最新一家裁减大批工人的国企(编者注:据武钢官方微信“幸福武钢”消息,武钢集团表示,目前并没有“裁员”)。The dismantling of market pricing reforms and the “iron rice bowl” system of life-long jobs in the 1990s eliminated thousands of state-owned small or medium-sized enterprises, which specialised in everything from industrial boilers to wedding photographs. SOEs now account for about a third of China’s productive capacity and an even smaller portion of urban employment, even though in some smaller cities they still dominate.90年代,市场化定价改革和“铁饭碗”终身就业制度使数以万计的国有中小企业倒闭,此前这些企业经营着从工业锅炉到婚纱照的各行各业。如今国企占中国生产力的大约三分之一,占城镇就业的比例更小,即便国企在某些较小城市仍占主导地位。Since then, years of precipitous growth and cheap state-backed credit have left many sectors of the Chinese economy bloated on debt and unprepared for a downturn. Heavy industry has been particularly hard hit by the sharp drop in prices for coal, energy, iron ore and steel.自90年代以来,多年迅猛增长和国家持的廉价信贷使中国经济中的很多部门积累沉重债务,并且对低迷没有准备。近期,随着煤炭、能源、铁矿石和钢材价格大幅下滑,重工业受到格外沉重的打击。The biggest SOEs typically employed hundreds of thousands of workers until a debt crisis and economic slowdown in the late 1990s forced millions of workers into early retirement on meagre pensions. Twenty years later, many remain the largest employers and taxpayers in their cities, still employing tens or even hundreds of thousands despite mounting debt burdens and collapsing prices.曾几何时,最大型的国有企业往往雇用数十万工人——直到90年代后期的一场债务危机和经济放缓迫使数以百万计的工人提前退休,领取微薄的养老金。20年后,这些国企仍是所在城市最大的雇主和纳税人,仍然雇用数万甚至数十万工人,尽管债务负担越来越重,尽管产品价格不断下降。Chinese media this week said Wuhan Iron amp; Steel, one of China’s largest mills, would lay off up to 11,000 workers, although the producer has denied the plans. The reports follow an announcement in October of 100,000 lay-offs at Longmay, a state-owned coal miner near the Siberian border.中国媒体本周报道称,中国最大钢厂之一武汉钢铁将裁员多达1.1万,尽管该企业否认了裁员之说。有关武钢裁员的报道发表之前,靠近西伯利亚边境的国有煤炭企业龙煤(Longmay)今年10月宣布裁员10万。While small SOEs have mostly vanished, the biggest have bulked up on state-backed loans as Beijing tried to create national champions . The Rmb4tn stimulus unleashed after the global financial crisis resulted in “blind investment” by the SOEs, according to Hu Xingdou, a professor at the Beijing Institute of Technology.尽管小型国有企业大多消失了,但在北京方面创建国家冠军企业的努力推动下,最大的国企近年借助国家持的贷款发展壮大。据北京理工大学(Beijing Institute of Technology)教授胡星斗介绍,全球金融危机爆发后北京方面释放的4万亿元人民币刺激资金导致了国有企业的“盲目投资”。Beijing has orchestrated mergers of big, centrally owned state groups but local governments are reluctant to take the next step of slashing employment rolls or shutting down excess capacity that could trigger debt defaults.北京策划了大型央企的合并,但地方政府不愿迈出可能引发债务违约的步子,进行大举裁员或关停过剩产能。The talk of downsizing at Wuhan Steel comes after a decade in which it consolidated smaller mills in central China, built a state-of-the art new mill in southern China and fought off attempts by state-owned Baosteel in Shanghai to dominate its market. But now steel prices have dropped and China’s anti-corruption campaign has claimed Deng Qilin, the irascible former chairman who in happier times enjoyed chain-smoking his way through long interviews with journalists.过去10年期间,武钢兼并了华中地区一些规模较小的钢厂,在中国南方打造了一家先进的新钢厂,并挫败了位于上海的国企宝钢(Baosteel)主导市场的企图。但现在钢材价格已经下降,武钢的前董事长邓崎琳也已在中国的反腐败斗争中落马;在经营较好的时期,脾气暴躁的邓崎琳在接受记者们的长时间采访时一根接一根地抽烟。Reports of lay-offs at Wuhan Steel recall steps perfected in the 1990s such as forcing “early retirement” of older or female workers, or spinning off non-core businesses to local governments. Sporadic protests have hit some depressed cities but the country has so far avoided the mass demonstrations that roiled the industrial north-east two decades ago.有关武钢裁员的报道让人联想起90年代就已相当完善的措施,如强迫年龄较大的职工或女职工“提前退休”,或者剥离非核心业务,由地方政府接手。一些经济不景气的城市出现了零星抗议活动,但中国迄今避免了20年前东北重工业地带爆发的大规模示威。 /201512/417785

The reform of the housing registration, or hukou system, has been under way in most regions in China following the State Council#39;s call to establish a unified household registration system for urban and rural residents in a document issued in 2014.继国务院2014年发布一份文件提出建立城乡统一的户口登记制度之后,落户限制(或称户籍制度)改革已经在中国大部分省市开展起来。To date, 29 province-level regions, apart from Beijing and the Tibet autonomous region, have unveiled official plans on the reform of the housing registration system, according to China News Service. The plans have in general phased out the so-called urban and rural hukou and replaced them with more general terms such as residential hukou, family hukou, or collective hukou.据中新网报道,截止目前为止,除北京和西藏自治区外,全国共有29个省份已经出台了户籍制度改革的具体方案。在这些方案中,基本都用更常见的术语如居民户口、家庭户口或者集体户口取代所谓的城市和农村户口。In mega cities such as Shanghai, Chengdu, Wuhan and Xi#39;an, point-based hukou policies are prevalent. The policies, despite their variance in different places, generally take into account the factors of the legitimacy of a person#39;s job and residence, insurance and a fixed number of years he or she has lived in the city.在上海、成都、武汉和西安这样的特大城市,积分落户政策非常盛行。尽管在不同地方这个政策会有些许差异,但主要都是参考一个人的合法就业、合法住所、社保缴纳以及在该市的连续居住年限。According to the proposals of the State Council, China should fully liberalize household registration in townships and small cities. Some provinces have adopted more relaxed measures. Southwest China#39;s Sichuan province, for instance, extends the application of this policy to big and midsized cities. Guizhou, also in Southwest China, plans to remove the hukou restrictions in midsized cities, as well as in townships and small cities.根据国务院的户籍改革意见,中国要全面放开乡镇和小城市落户限制。一些省份引入了更为宽松的政策。比如中国西南部的四川省,就提出了全面放开大中小城市落户限制;同样在西南部的贵州省,则计划取消中小城市和乡镇的落户限制。According to the State Council, big cities should not require more than five years of social security payment for hukou applicants. The time limit has been shorted in some provinces.另外,根据国务院的意见,大城市不应对户口申请者要求超过5年的社会保险要求。一些省份甚至还缩短了这个年限。Central China#39;s Henan province, for instance, requires two years of payment for the most, while East China#39;s Anhui province, requires a maximum three years of such payment. The Inner Mongolia autonomous region scrapped the requirements on social security payment for Hohhot and Baotou cities to relax local hukou access.比如中部的河南省,将此要求缩短为两年,东部的安徽省要求不得超过3年。而内蒙古自治区的呼和浩特市和包头市取消了城镇社会保险落户的条件,以放宽户口准入条件。 /201605/442581

The West sees China’s rise as a challenge to its hegemony. For the Chinese this is merely the restoration of the natural order of things—of China as the world’s largest economy and the center of the world.对于中国的崛起,西方视之为对自身霸权的挑战,而对中国人而言,这只是自然秩序的恢复--中国是世界上最大的经济体也是世界的中心What makes the West particularly nervous is that China has shattered two important misconceptions: first the expectation that as China modernised it would become increasingly Western; second the idea that single-party rule by the Communist Party of China would inevitably give way to demands for Western-style democracy. Many in the West thought that China would be integrated into the Western economic and political order as Japan was after World War II.是什么让西方人特别紧张,因为中国粉碎了两个重要的错误理念:第一,西方人认为随着中国的现代化进程,中国会越来越西化。第二,中国共产党的一党专政必然被西式民主取代。很多西方国家都认为,日本在二战之后接受了西方的政治经济制度,中国也会步日本后尘。然而故事却不是这么发展的。But that’s not how the story has unfolded. Moving forward we should expect continued assertion and pursuit of its interests by China—both in its neighborhood and on the world stage.往后,中国将继续在周边范围和世界舞台上主张和追求自身利益CHINA RISING中国的崛起Rather than become more Western China’s polity and society remain stubbornly Chinese. If anything the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) grip on power in China is stronger than ever. And China has made it clear that while it is a major beneficiary of the U.S.-led era of open markets free trade and investment flows it is also determined to have an independent say in the economic political and security order in its region and in the world.中国没有更西化,而是坚定的保持了中国本色。party的权力空前稳固。而中国业已表明,在美国主导的时代,中国是市场开放,贸易投资自由的主要受益者,现在,中国也要求在政经领域和维持区域和世界秩序方面,有自己的独立话语权。After the 2008 global economic crisis China doubled down on its efforts to shape its region using its economic strength to build connectivity and institutions consolidating the Eurasian landmass. It launched the “One Belt One Road” initiative created the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank and the BRICS New Development Bank and negotiated the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP as opposed to the U.S.-sponsored Trans-Pacific Partnership). China also promoted the use of the renminbi as an international currency and promoted regional trade—10 years ago all except one of China’s neighbors traded more with the ed States than with China; today China is the largest trading partner of all its neighbors. Faced with Western sanctions Russia looks to China to buy the energy and commodity exports on which it depends. Even the ed States China’s main strategic competitor is economically tied to China in fundamental ways.08年全球金融危机后,中国加倍努力,利用其经济力量推动欧亚大陆的互联互通,打造自己的势力范围。中国发起一带一路倡议,建立亚投行和金砖国家新开发,协商区域全面经济伙伴关系(即RCEP,以抗衡美国发起的TPP)。中国推动人民币国际化,促进区域贸易---10年前,中国邻国中只有一个国家对中交易多于对美交易,而现在,中国是其所有邻国的最大贸易伙伴。受西方制裁的俄罗斯寻求中国合作,向中国出口所需的能源和大宗商品,而主要战略对手美国,也在经济的基本方面与中国关联密切All of these moves will have global impact as the Asia-Pacific is increasingly the center of gravity of the global economy and politics. It is also the locus of political contention between the old Western order and a new emerging one.这些举措将会产生全球性影响,因为亚太地区正日益成为全球经济和政治的重心,它也是旧的西方秩序与新兴势力的政治争夺焦点。MANING GROWTH EXPECTATIONS调整增长预期Internally China’s rapid economic growth gave the CCP legitimacy. The CCP today is a victim of its own success: With an trillion-economy and per capita income of almost 000 China cannot sustain 10 percent-plus growth rates forever. It also needs to just its economy from a reliance on exports and government-led investment to internal demand and consumption-led growth.中国经济的快速增长巩固了party的合法性。但party也受累于自身的成功:如今中国经济规模达11兆美元,人均收入近14000美元,但它不可能永远维持两位数的经济增长率。另外中国还需调整经济结构,改变依赖出口和政府主导投资的现状,拉动内需,向消费主导型增长转型。Can it make this adjustment without a major internal economic crisis? A command economy like China—where government has fiscal and other tools not available in market economies—should find it possible to transition to a lower growth path of about 3 to 5 percent GDP growth each year. It won’t be easy and it will cause social pain. In fact the social consequences of the nature and speed of China’s growth have actually diminished the CCP’s ability to control the lives of ordinary Chinese citizens as have the effects of the information communication technology revolution. The CCP must now look for new sources of ideological legitimacy while trying to use modern technology to buttress its hold on power.中国能够避开重大内部危机完成经济调整么?中国是计划经济,政府拥有市场经济体所没有的财政调控工具以及其他手段,应该可以过渡到GDP年增长率3%-5%的较低的水平,过程无疑是困难而痛苦的。事实上,中国的经济增长类型和增长速度带来的社会后果,加上信息技术革命的发展,减弱了party对公民日常生活的掌控。因此party需要寻求新的角度来实其意识形态的正确性,也需要借助更高新的科技手段来强化权力掌控(这是说不许咱翻墙么。。。。)What does China’s rise in this form mean for the world?中国以这种形式崛起,对世界而言,意味着什么?As China tries to avoid the middle income trap and as economic growth slows the CCP turns increasingly to nationalism to provide legitimacy in the eyes of its own people. Hence some of the recent shrillness in Chinese responses to external events. In the past China’s stated foreign policy goals were modest and humble—it has now dropped those. It now officially describes itself as a great power implicitly an equal of the ed States.随着经济放缓,中国试图避免“中等收入陷阱,party也频频借助民族主义来确保国民对其政权合法性的认可。因此,在最近的一些外交事件中中国态度强硬。曾经中国奉行谦虚谦逊的外交政策,如今。。。俱往矣。。。。。中国现在将自己定位为与美国相当的强国。China’s economic growth has enabled it increase defense spending by double digits for over 25 years. Since 2008 it has reignited maritime disputes in the East China Sea with Japan and in the South China Sea with Vietnam and other ASEAN members—and has begun a much more muscular defense of an expanded definition of its core interests.中国的经济增长使其能够连续25年保持国防开两位数增率。自2008以来,它在东海与日本,在南海与越南等东盟国家发生领海纠纷,中国也开始采用更强硬的手段来捍卫核心利益What does this presage for China’s future behaviour? Scholars’ predictions run the spectrum from China’s imminent collapse to a China that will “rule the world.” The truth is somewhere in between and much more complex.这预示着中国未来的行为会是怎样呢?学者们的预测相差甚远,从中国即将崩溃到中国将“统治世界”都有。其实在某些方面是介于两者之间且复杂得多。History has left China with a fear of barbarian encirclement and a strong drive to “maintain face” after what the Chinese regard as “a century of humiliation” and colonial degradation. The goals that China pursues in the international system today are a direct result of this narrative of Chinese history which the CCP has appropriated to argue that only the Communist Party can realize and restore China’s pride. In short history and the trauma of the long 19th century left China self-centered touchy lonely and seeking respect.在经历了所谓“百年屈辱”和殖民退化的历史后,中国惧怕蛮族包围,并有强大的动力去“保住面子”。在今天的国际体系中,中国奉行的目标正是中国历史诉求的直接结果,也为中共所冒功,称只有共产党才能实现和恢复中国的荣耀。19世纪只是历史的一瞬,却是漫长的创伤,留给中国以自我为中心的敏感、孤独和寻求尊重。These are heightened by the effects of geography and China’s present condition. Unlike the ed States which is protected by two of the world’s largest oceans China is in a crowded neighborhood and shares borders with 14 countries. It has only two allies—Pakistan and North Korea—and has difficult relations with some neighbors (namely Japan India and Vietnam) that have also been accumulating hard and soft power. Rising nationalist rhetoric in China and the region has contributed to a worsening of her relations with most of its neighbors.这些又为地理环境影响和中国现状而增强。不像美国受世界上最大的两个海洋保护,中国邻国众多,与14个国家接壤。它只有两个盟友-巴基斯坦和朝鲜,并与一些也积累了硬实力和软实力的邻国(即日本、印度和越南)关系紧张。在中国和该地区日益增长的民族主义言论加剧了她与大多数邻国关系恶化。Despite the considerable strides that China has made in acquiring power it still lacks the capability to manage devise or impose a political or security order in the Asia-Pacific. This is a function not just of the balance of power and the presence of the ed States but of its inability to offer a normative frxwork and of the nature of its relations with significant countries like India Japan Vietnam Indonesia Russia and others.尽管中国在获取权力方面取得长足进展,它仍然缺少在亚太地区整合理念或者导入政治或安全秩序的能力。这种功能不光是处理权力平衡和美国的存在,而是它无力提供一个规范性的框架,也天然地包括处理与印度、日本、越南、印尼、俄罗斯等重要国家和其他国家关系。If China cannot—and the ed States doesn’t—provide security in the global commons through alliances and bases we should expect continued instability in the Asia-Pacific. Optimists and those who want to change the status quo like China call it multipolarity and welcome it as instability offers space to pursue their interests and improve their position.如果中国未能——而美国也没有——通过结盟和基地在全球领域提供安全,我们只能预料亚太地区仍将不稳定。乐观主义者和那些希望改变现状的人欢迎中国所谓的多极化,因为不稳定才会给他们追求利益和提高地位的空间。Can the world economy recover and prosper amidst such political and security instability? I think not. The natural reaction to prolonged insecurity and strategic competition would be to form countervailing coalitions and alliances formal or informal—I suspect we will see more of that.在政局动荡安全不稳的情况下世界经济能够复苏繁荣么?我想是不能的,长期处于不安全的环境和战略竞争之中,人们的自然反应就是建立各种正式非正式的联盟相互对抗---我猜我们将会看到很多这样的情况Just as its professed dedication to freedom or democracy has never been an accurate predictor of U.S. behavior China’s professions of win-win diplomacy Confucian benevolence and economic priorities are unlikely to indicate future Chinese behavior. Instead the drivers of Chinese foreign policy are likely to remain the quest for status and to acquire power— political military and economic. The only consideration that might override them in unlikely circumstances is regime continuity in China. If rule by the CCP elite is threatened by the consequences of the drive for status and power that push will be limited or modified. But for the present expect more of the “assertive” China.美国曾自诩重视民主自由,可言行却不一致。由此可见,虽然中国自称奉行双赢外交,实行儒家仁政,以发展经济为优先任务,以后也不见得就会真的这么做。相反,中国外交政策的驱动力可能仍然是在政治军事经济各方面寻求地位和攫取权力。唯一能让他们忧心的就是逆境中如何保持政权的连续性。如果追求地位和权利带来的结果会威胁到party的精英统治,他们也许会有所收敛改正。但是目前,更可能出现的是一个“坚定自信”的中国。 /201610/471223

China will set a plan to raise the statutory retirement age in 2017 to relieve pressures from an aging population, an official researcher said.近日,一名官方研究人员表示,我国将于2017年出台延迟法定退休年龄的方案,以减轻人口老龄化带来的压力;The plan is likely to be implemented in 2022 after a five-year transitional period,; China News Service ed Jin Weigang, a researcher with the Ministry of Human Resources and Social Security, as saying Saturday.中国人力资源和社会保障部社会保障研究所所长金维刚周六对中国新闻社表示:“该方案出台后会有五年的过渡期,或到2022年正式实施。”The government is preparing to postpone the retirement age as a shrinking workforce has begun to bite into the country#39;s labor market and pension system.由于劳动力人口的萎缩已经殃及到了国家的劳动力市场和退休金制度,所以政府正在准备推迟退休年龄。The population of people aged between 16 to 60 fell by 4.87 million to 911 million in 2015, the fourth consecutive year of decline, official data showed.官方数据显示,2015年,16岁到60岁之间的人口为911万人,比去年同期下降了487万,这一数字也是连续第4年下降。China#39;s retirement age is 60 for men, 55 for female white-collar workers and 50 for female blue-collar employees.中国男性的退休年龄为60岁,女性白领为55岁,而女性蓝领工人则是50岁。Jin said the government could learn from flexible retirement policies in other countries.金维刚表示,政府还将向其他国家借鉴弹性退休制度。 /201603/428956

Businesses providing catering services online are required to acquire food trade licenses and have brick-and-mortar stores, according to China Food and Drug Administration.国家食品药品监督管理总局日前声称,提供网络餐饮务的商家须取得食品经营许可并具备实体店铺。The requirements came as part of an administrative draft designed to improve supervision of online food and catering services.这些要求是食药监总局起草的一份旨在加强网络餐饮务监管的意见稿中的部分内容。For third-party platforms offering online catering services, the draft said that they should ensure real-name registration of online food providers. They should also make spot checks about the running of the food providers.意见稿规定,网络餐饮务第三方平台应当对网络餐饮务提供者实名登记,并对其经营行为进行抽查。Online platforms that fail to carry out random examinations of such suppliers could be warned, or fined 5,000 yuan (7) to 30,000 yuan, the draft said.意见稿指出,未能对这些供应商进行随机检查的在线平台可能会受到警告,或是处以5000至30000元不等的罚款。Statistics from Beijing-based BigData-Research show that the volume of the online food-ordering industry in China reached 176.15 billion yuan in 2016.根据北京比达咨询公司的数据显示,2016年我国网络订餐行业规模达1761.5亿元。Hu Jinguang, vice-president of the Law School at Renmin University of China, said the popular trend toward online meal delivery has increased the information gap between food producers and consumers, adding that some suppliers may conceal or provide false information online.中国人民大学法学院副院长胡锦光表示,网上订餐的流行趋势,已经增大了食品生产者和消费者之间的信息不对称。他还表示,一些供应商可能存在隐瞒或提供网上虚假信息的情况。The government should strengthen supervision over online shops and platforms and encourage information transparency to promote food safety, Hu added.胡锦光称,政府应加强对网上商店和平台的监管,鼓励信息透明,以提升食品的安全。 /201702/494283Allen Ho was still reeling from his arrest during a conference in Atlanta, Georgia, when armed Federal Bureau of Investigation agents began interrogating the nuclear energy consultant about his work in China, without any lawyer present.何则雄(Allen Ho)仍对自己在佐治亚州亚特兰大参加一次会议时遭逮捕感到吃惊。当时,没有任何律师在场,持有武器的联邦调查局(FBI)人员开始就这位核能顾问在中国的工作进行询问。That business involved hiring retired US nuclear engineers and consultants to advise China General Nuclear Power Corp, the state-owned company that plans to invest in an £18bn reactor in the UK.此事涉及雇用退休的美国核工程师和顾问,为中国广核集团(China General Nuclear Power Group)提供咨询。这家中国国有集团计划在英国投资建造一座价值180亿英镑的反应堆。Mr Ho, born in Taiwan and a US citizen since 1983, was charged with violating a statute designed to prevent American scientists from helping other countries develop an atomic bomb. The case comes during an era of unprecedented nuclear co-operation between the west and China, but also a time of growing trade friction and accusations of cyber crime and espionage.生于台湾、自1983年加入美国国籍的何则雄,被控违反一项旨在阻止美国科学家帮助其他国家开发原子弹的法规。此案发生于西方和中国之间一段前所未有的核合作时代,那也是一段贸易擦日益加剧和对网络犯罪和间谍活动的指控不断增多的时期。After his arrest in April, Mr Ho’s imprisonment for six months in a maximum security cell in Tennessee has chilled Chinese technical co-operation with the international nuclear industry and raised accusations of racial profiling in the US.在4月被捕后,何则雄被监禁在田纳西州一个最高警戒等级安全牢房达长六个月,这令中国与国际核工业之间的技术合作冷却下来,并在美国引起了对于“种族定性”(Racial Profiling)的指控。Along with Mr Ho, CGN was also indicted on charges of producing “special nuclear material” outside the US without the required approval from the US Department of Energy.在何则雄遭指控的同时,中国广核集团也被控未经美国能源部(DoE)的必要许可,在美国以外生产“特殊核材料”。The company said in an emailed statement that it “has long been adhering to the principle of lawfulness and compliance in all our business operation and international exchanges and will carry on following such a principle”.该集团在一份电子邮件声明中称,“我们在所有业务运作和国际交流中一直秉承了合法、合规的原则,并将继续遵循这一原则。”Wary of being indicted if they step foot on US soil, CGN executives have since skipped meetings run by the American Society of Mechanical Engineers (Asme), which sets international standards for everything from school heating boilers to nuclear reactors.由于担心踏上美国土地会被起诉,后来中国广核集团的高管们已回避了美国机械工程师协会(Asme)举办的会议。该协会为从学校供暖锅炉到核反应堆的一切设施提供国际标准。This is an issue because engineering decisions made in China affect the world’s reactor fleet. China is the furthest ahead in constructing the European Pressurized Reactor destined for Hinkley Point in the UK as well as the AP1000, an American-designed reactor under construction in China and the US. And under bilateral accords CGN and other Chinese groups will supply components for US and UK reactors.这就产生了一个问题,因为中国的工程决策影响着世界上的众多反应堆。在建造用于英国欣克利角(Hinkley Point)的欧洲压水式反应堆(EPR)、以及在中国和美国建造的由美国设计的AP1000方面,中国目前已是遥遥领先。根据双边协议,中国广核集团和中国其他集团将为美国和英国的反应堆提供零部件。“China is the only country that can provide the information at present” for the AP1000, said Zhang Qiang, Asme’s chief representative in China. Other forms of international co-operation continue.“中国是目前唯一能为AP1000提供信息的国家”,Asme驻中国首席代表张强表示。其他形式的国际合作正在继续。Mr Ho does not deny helping CGN improve operations at its nuclear plants but his defence insists that is a far cry from making material for nuclear weapons. Frank Wu, chairman of the Committee of 100, an advocacy group, said the indictment had inflamed fears of “racial profiling” in the Chinese-American scientific community.何则雄并不否认曾帮助中国广核集团改进其核电厂的运行,但他的辩护词坚称,这跟制造核武器材料相距甚远。倡导组织百人会(Committee of 100)会长吴华扬(FrankWu)说,这份起诉书引起了中美科学界对“种族定性”的恐惧。The engineers Mr Ho employed told the FBI that they shared only publicly available information with Chinese nuclear companies, according to court documents. Some helped inexperienced Chinese engineers decipher technical manuals at Daya Bay, the French-designed reactor that supplies electricity to Hong Kong.根据法庭文件,何则雄所聘用的工程师告诉联邦调查局,他们只与中国核电企业分享了可公开获得的信息。有些工程师帮助没有经验的中国工程师解读了大亚湾(Daya Bay)核电站的技术手册。该核电站是由法国设计的,为香港提供电力。Others advised on developing a nuclear fuel process so that CGN could avoid paying hefty royalties to the French. They have not been publicly charged.其他工程师在核燃料开发流程方面提供咨询意见,这样中国广核集团就可以不用向法方付高额的特许权使用费。他们没有受到公开指控。The case against Mr Ho will rest on testimony from a Taiwanese-American consultant he employed who secretly pleaded guilty 18 months ago to selling subscription-only research reports on nuclear power to China.针对何则雄此案的审理,将依照他聘用的一名美籍台湾顾问的词。18个月前,该顾问已秘密认罪,承认曾向中国出售仅供订阅的、有关核能的研究报告。The case comes amid growing alarm at Chinese state-backed hacking and theft or copying of valuable intellectual property.此案发生之际,中国政府持下的黑客行动、以及盗取或复制宝贵知识产权的做法,正引起越来越大的警觉。Since the 1990s, the US government has prosecuted 173 cases under the economic espionage act, including 48 involving China. Mr Ho is one of seven people charged with spying for China under other statutes.自1990年代以来,美国政府已根据《经济间谍法》(EEA)提起了173起诉讼案,其中48个案子跟中国有关。何则雄是美国根据其他法规,以为中国从事间谍行动为由而指控的七人之一。“There’s nothing about this case that’s normal,” said Peter Zeidenberg of Arent Fox, Mr Ho’s lawyer who also represented Mr Xi. “There#39;s an undercurrent running through all these cases and it#39;s because of these individuals#39; association with China.”“在此案中,一切都是不正常的,”何则雄的律师、Arent Fox律所的彼得.蔡登伯格(Peter Zeidenberg)说。“所有这些案件的背后存在着一股潜流,这是因为这些人跟中国有关系。” /201610/473807

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